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D-Day Development of Overlord ... Part 3
In the initial phases of OVERLORD, Field Marshal Montgomery, whom I had designated as tactical commander
of the early land battles, was to have operational
control of all land forces, including the United States
First Army until the growing build-up of the American
forces made desirable the establishment of an independent
Army Group. When sufficient forces had disembarked
on the Continent, a United States Army
Group was to come into being, equal both operationally
and administratively to the British 21 Army Group,
which latter was to continue under Field Marshal
Montgomery's command. Although no definite time
was set for this, it was estimated that it would take place
when the Third Army had become fully operational;
the date was also dependent, of course, upon the progress
of the initial land battles beyond the beachhead area
where, as already pointed out, simplicity of command in
a narrow space was desirable.
In the matter of command, it can be said here that
all relationships between American and British forces
were smooth and effective. Because of certain fundamental
national differences in methods of military supply
and administration, it was early agreed that no unit
lower than a corps of one nationality would be placed
under command of the other nationality except where
unavoidable military necessity made this imperative.
To carry out the mission of invading Western Europe,
there were to be available, by D-day, in the United
Kingdom 37 divisions: 23 infantry, 10 armored, and 4
airborne. These were to be employed in the assault and
subsequent build-up period in France.
[The US Divisions that were actually employed in this operation were the 1st, 2nd, 4th, 8th, 9th, 29th, 30th, 35th, 79th, 90th Infantry Divisions; the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 6th Armored Divisions; and the 82nd, and 101st Airborne Divisions.]
As the campaign
progressed, the flow of divisions to the Continent was to
be maintained at a rate of three to five divisions per
month, and this flow was to be augmented by the divisions
entering the European Theater with the assault
against Southern France from the Mediterranean. [These were the 3rd, 36th and 45th US Infantry Divisions.] Ultimately, at the time of the German surrender, I had
under command a total of go divisions: 61 American,
13 British, 5 Canadian, 10 French, and 1 Polish. These
divisions, with antiaircraft, antitank, and tallk units
habitually attached, averaged about 17,000 in combat
strength, well over twice the strength of Russian divisions.
In addition there were three French divisions
which were not completely equipped, and lesser units
of Czech, Belgian, and Dutch forces on the Continent,
as well as the units of the French Forces of the Interior.
Our Headquarters estimated that, at times, the value
of these latter French forces to the campaign amounted
in manpower to the equivalent of 15 divisions, and their
great assistance in facilitating the rapidity of our advance
across France bore this out.
The initial success of the land forces in the assault
against Northwest Europe was dependent upon the operations of the Allied Naval Expeditionary Force under
the command of Admiral Ramsay. In his operational
orders issued on 10 April, he clearly defined the Navy's
mission to those under his command: "The object of the
Naval Commander-in-Chief is the safe and timely arrival
of the assault forces at their beaches, the cover of
their landings, and subsequently the support and maintenance
and the rapid build-up of our forces ashore."
To accomplish this mission successfully months of de·
tailed planning and training, closely coordinated with
the ground and air forces, were necessary.
Reports on the North African and Sicilian Campaigns
have made mention of the magnitude of the naval
forces involved, but the sea power displayed there was
to fade by comparison with the forces to be employed
in this great amphibious assault. The extent of the problem
of berthing, loading, and moving the forces involved
may be realized Witll the knowledge that over 5,000
ships and 4,000 additional "ship-to-shore" craft were to
be engaged in the Channel operations during the assault
and build-up period. That everything went according
to plan is a remarkable tribute to the hard work, coordi·
nated effort, and foresight of the thousands engaged in
the initial planning and train ing, and, as Admiral Ramsay
stated in his report, to the "courage of the tens of
thousands in tl,e Allied navies and merchant Beets who
carried out tl,eir orders in accordance with the very highest
traditions of the sea."
With the expansion of the assault from a three-divisional
to a five-divisional attacking force, increased naval
forces were necessary both to protect the invasion Fleet en
route and to bring added fire power to bear on the
beaches. These were allotted by the Combined Chiefs
of Staff on 15 April 1944. The chief units in the final
naval forces included 6 battleships, 2 monitors, 22
cruisers, and 93 destroyers.
Under the naval plan the assault area for the naval
forces was bounded on the north by the parallel of
49° 40' N, and on the west, south, and east by the shores of
the Bay of the Seine. This area was subdivided into two
Task Force Areas, American and British, the boundary
between them running from the root of the Port-enBessin
western breakwater in an 0250 direction to the
meridian of 0°4°' W, and thence northward along this
meridian to latitude 49°40' N. Within these defined
areas, the Western Task Force, operating in the American
zone, was under the command of Rear Adm. A. G.
Kirk, and the Eastern Task Force, operating in the
British zone, under the command of Rear Adm. Sir P. L
Viano The Western and Eastern Task Forces were again
subdivided to include, altogether, five assault forces,
each responsible for the landing of an assault division
upon one of the five beach areas, and two follow-up
forces. The assault forces were known for the American
zone as Force "U" and Force "0" (Utah and Omaha)
and were under the command respectively of Rear Adm.
D. P. Moon and Vice Adm. (then Rear Adm.) J. L.
Hall, Jr. For the British zone the assault forces were
similarly known as Force "S", Force "J", and Force "Gil
(Sword, Juno, and Gold) and were commanded by
Rear Adm. A. G. Talbot, Commodore G. N. Oliver, and
Rear Adm. C. Douglas-Pennant.
In order to insure the safe arrival of the assault
troops on the beaches, the Navy was to provide adequate
covering forces to protect the flanks of the routes of our
assault and was, with mine sweeping vessels, to clear the
Channel ahead of the assault craft. For this latter purpose
I 2 mine sweeping flotillas were to be employed.
Once within range of the beachhead area, the heavy
naval guns were to neutralize the enemy coastal batteries,
supplementing the work of the Air Forces, and then,
as the landing craft drove inshore, there was to be an
intense bombardment of the beach defenses by every
gun that could be brought to bear.
Some consideration had initially been given to the
possibility of assaulting at night in order to obtain the
maximum surprise, but it was decided that the lessons
of the Pacific should be ad hered to, and that, possessing
superiority in air and naval forces, the assault against
strong defenses should take place by day. This was
palpably advantageous to the Navy in the coordinated
movement of a vast fleet in relatively narrow waters.
H-hour varied for most of the five assault forces, due
to varying beach conditions such as the necessity for
higher tide to cover certain rock obstacles and the length
of time needed to remove enemy obstructions. Force
"U" was to touch down at 0630 hours while Force "J"
was not to land until 35 minutes later.
With the success of the assault determined, the
naval forces were to maintain swept channels between
France and England th rough which supplies and reinforcements
could be shuttled to the Continent. In
view of the initial limi ted port facilities and the fact
that we did not anticipate seizing the Brittany ports
for some time after the assault, the Navy was also
charged with providing for the establishment off the
French coast of five artificial anchorages (Gooseberries).
Two of these were subsequently to be expanded into
major artificial harbors (Mulberries); through these the
bulk of our stores were to be unloaded during the early
stages of the campaign. To provide oil and gasoline in
bulk, the Navy was also to set up tanker discharge points
off the French coast and to establish cross-Channel submarine
pipe lines.
By 26 April, the five naval assault forces were assembled
in the following areas: Force "U," Plymouth;
Force "0," Portland; Force "S," Portsmouth; Force
"G," Southampton; and Force "J," Isle of Wight. The
two follow-up forces, Force "B" and Force "L," were
assembled in the Falmouth-Plymouth and Nore areas.
in addition to the berthing problems inherent in the
assembly of these seven forces, other space had to be
found for the many ships and craft which were assigned
the tasks of supply, maintenance, repair, and reinforcement.
The berthing problem was one of major proportions,
but it was solved, as Admiral Ramsay reported,
by making use of every available berth from Milford
Haven to Harwich. Many units had, additionally, to
be berthed in the Humber, at Belfast, and in the Clyde.
The concentration of ships in southern ports was
bound, we felt, to be detected by the enemy and would
thus give him some indication that our assault was
about to be launched. In order to confuse him in this
respect, arrangements were made with the British Admiralty
to have the large number of commercial ships
destined for the Thames and also the ships to be used
in later supply convoys to our forces on the Continent
held in Scottish ports until the operation was under
way. The concentration of shipping thus spread itself
automatically throughout the whole British Isles and
was not confined to a single area. As was the case
against Sicily, we did not believe that the growing preparations
and the size of our forces could be entirely concealed
from the enemy. We hoped, though, to be able
to confuse him as to the time of the assault and the exact
beachhead area of attack. In this we were to be successful
for a variety of reasons which I shall consider later.
The air plan in support of the amphibious operation
consisted of two parts, the preparatory phase and
the assault phase, and was brought into being under the
direction of Air Chief Marshal Leigh-Mallory, commanding
the Tactical Air Forces. These forces, composed
of the British Second Tactical Air Force and the
U. S. Ninth Air Force, were to operate in direct support
of the land armies. The Strategic Air Forces also would
be given definite tactical responsibilities during critical
periods, although their principal mission would be to continue their attacks on the industrial potential of Germany, with emphasis now placed on the facilities for aircraft production. They had also definite tactical
responsibilities at critical periods of the battles.
Until January 1944, the view had been held that the
heavy bombers of the Strategic Air Forces could make
sufficient direct contribution to the assault in a period of
about a fortnight before D-day. Further consideration,
however, indicated the need to employ them for a
much longer period-about three months-and a plan
was finally adopted which aimed at the crippling of the
French and Belgian railway systems and the consequent
restriction of the enemy's mobility. The plan had a
wider conception than the dislocation of the enemy's
lines of communication in the zone in which the land
forces were to be deployed. It was looked upon as the
fust of a series of attacks, which as they spread eastward,
would ultimately affect the whole German war effort.
The adoption of this plan entailed a major effort by the
Strategic Air Forces.
In the preparatory phase, the striking power of the
Tactical Air Forces was to be directed against rail targets,
bridges, airfields in the vicinity of the assault area,
coastal batteries, radar stations, and other naval and
military targets. In addition to reserve aircraft, these
forces had operationally available 2,434 fighters and
fighter-bombers, and 700 light and medium bombers.
The program of attack on rail centers and bridges
was designed to deprive the enemy of the means for the
rapid concentration of men and material and to hinder
his efforts to maintain an adequate Row of reinforcements
and supplies, forcing him to move by road with
resultant delay, increased wastage in road transport and
fuel, and increased vulnerability to air attack. Blows
against the railroad centers were to be started about Dminus-
60 and were to cover a wide area so as to give the
enemy no clue to our proposed assault beaches. Shortly
before D-day, however, the attacks would be intensified
and focused on key points more directly related to the assault
area hut still so controlled as not to indicate to
the enemy the area itself.
Attacks against coastal batteries, airfields, bridges,
and other targets in the preparatory period were planned
in such a manner that only one-third of the effort expended
would be devoted to the targets threatening the
success of our assault. The preliminary attacks upon
the bridges in Northwestern France were scheduled to
begin on D-minus-46 and to be intensified in tempo as
D-day approached. The ultimate purpose of these at-tacks was to isolate the battle area from the rest of France
by cutting the bridges over the Seine and the Loire below
Paris and Orleans, respectively. The attacks upon the
airfields had a similar purpose. Within a 130-mile radius
of the battle area, all enemy airfields and air installations
were to be attacked beginning not later than
D-minus-21. By neutralizing the fields, we were certain
to limit the maneuverability of German fighter forces,
compelling them to enter the battle from fields situated
a considerable distance from the Normandy beaches.
This preparatory bombing program was placed in
effect as scheduled and, as D-day approached, the intensity
of our attacks increased and the preparatory
phase gave way to the assault phase. In the assault itself,
the air forces were assigned the tasks, in conjunction
with the navies, of protecting the cross-Channel movement
of our forces from enemy air and naval attack.
They were also to prepare the way for the assault by
destroying the enemy's radar installations and by neutralizing
coastal batteries and beach defenses between
Ouistreham and Varreville, the area of our attack. Additionally,
the air forces were to provide protective cover
over the landing beaches and, by attacking the enemy,
reduce his ability to reinforce and counterattack. Sub.sequent
to the establishment of the beachhead, the Tactical
Air Forces were to support the land troops in their
advance inland from the assault beaches.
During the assault it was planned to maintain a
sustained density of ten fighter squadrons to cover the
beach area, five over the British sector and five over the
American. An additional six squadrons were to be
maintained in readiness to support the beach cover if
necessary. Over the main naval approach channels we
agreed upon a sustained density of five squadrons centered
at 60 miles and three at 80 miles from the South
coast of England. Additionally, a striking force of 33
fighter squadrons was to be held in reserve for use as
the air situation might require, subsequent to its initial
employment as escort to the airborne formations.
The total fighter aircraft which we allocated for
the D-day assault was as follows:
Beach Cover (54 Squadrons),
Shipping Cover (15 Squadrons),
Direct Air Support (36 Squadrons),
Offensive Fighter Operations and Bomber
Escort (33 Squadrons),
Striking Force (33 Squdrons), for a Total of 171 Squadrons.
The photographic reconnaissance units of the Allied
Air Forces were the first to begin active and direct
preparations for the invasion of Europe from the west.
For more than a year, much vital information was accumulated
which contributed very greatly to the ultimate
success of the assault. The variety, complexity,
and the detailed accuracy of the information gathered
was of great importance in the preparatory phase of the
operation. One of the most remarkable tasks accomplished
by these reconnaissance units was the series of
sorties flown to obtain low-level obliques of underwater
beach defenses.
D-Day Logistical Problems
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